An Israeli Game of Thrones: 910-874 BC

The Assassination of Nadab of Israel  ∙  Judgment on Jeroboam’s Dynasty  ∙  The Reign of Baasha of Israel  ∙  Jehu Prophesies Against Baasha  ∙  The Assassination of the Pitiful Elah  ∙ Judgment on Baasha’s House  ∙   Zimri: The Seven Day King  ∙  A Fiery Death and a Five Year Civil War  ∙  Peace, Prosperity, and Prestige: The Reign of Omri of Israel

When Jeroboam died, his son Nadab became King of Israel – but he would reign for a mere two years (910-909 BC). During his reign the Philistines to the southwest experienced a resurgence of power, and he campaigned against them. His army laid siege to the Philistine-held town of Gibbethon; though it had once been a Levitical town, it had been overrun by the war-drunk Philistines. Though small, Gibbethon was an important town, and it’d become the focal point of numerous campaigns against the Philistines. Archaeologists have winnowed its location down to one of two places. The first was about two miles west of Gezer in Philistine territory and was probably nothing more than a military outpost on the Israelite border; the second location was near the intersection of the Philistine plain and the Judean foothills, twenty miles west of Jerusalem. This location would’ve been heavily fortified. Whichever site it sat on, it was a strategic location: marauding armies of the Egyptians in 1486 BC and the Assyrians in 713 BC noted activities against it. While the siege was trucking along under Nadab’s guidance, an obscure captain of Nadab’s army led a coup d’etat and assassinated the king outside the city walls. The usurper, a man named Baasha of the tribe of Issachar, wiped out all of Jeroboam’s descendants in order to secure his stolen throne against claimants from the old dynastic lineage. The purge of Jeroboam’s family (prophesied by the prophet Ahijah) ended the first Israelite dynasty, and Baasha became king of Israel.

Baasha assassinates King Nadab

Baasha reigned twenty-four years (909-886 BC) and moved the Israelite capital from Shechem to Tirzah, where Jeroboam had built the royal palace. Baasha, with his military roots, embraced a vigorous militant policy against Judah. He allied with Ben-hadad of Aram against King Asa of Judah, but Ben-hadad turned against him and invaded northern Israel. Baasha had no choice but to abort his up-till-then successful invasion of Judah to counteract the turncoat’s threat and push the Arameans out of Israel (this episode will be addressed in fuller detail in the next chapter). 

Baasha worshipped pagan gods and was denounced by the prophet Jehu, son of the prophet Hanani who’d prophesied against Asa of Judah (see the next chapter to read about Hanani and his subsequent imprisonment). 2 Chronicles 20.34 tells us that Jehu wrote a history of the reign of Jehoshaphat of Judah; this suggests that he, like Amos, was a prophet who came north from Judah to denounce the northern king. That his father Hanani was active in Judah supports this; however, others have suggested that Jehu was a prophet of the north who later sought refuge in Judah during Queen Jezebel’s ‘Reign of Terror’ against Yahweh worshippers in Israel during the reign of King Ahab. Jehu announced that Yahweh had raised Baasha up over Israel, but Baasha was no better than Jeroboam. Because he worshipped false gods, and because he’d been so ruthless in wiping out Jeroboam’s family, Baasha’s lineage would suffer the same fate. Jehu used words almost identical to those used by Ahijah against Jeroboam: Jehu pronounced the doom of Baasha’s dynasty, announced that his relatives would fall in the city and in the field, and he claimed their corpses would be left unburied to be eaten by beasts and birds. Like Jeroboam, Baasha wouldn’t be alive to see this come to pass: the judgment would fall on his son Elah. At the coup d’etat against Baasha’s son, five years of anarchy would be inaugurated in Israel as different men vied for the throne. 

When Baasha died, the throne went to his son Elah – but Elah wouldn’t keep it for long. For just over five years after King Baasha’s death, Israel would be subjected to rival would-be kings trying to get the upper-hand and establish their own dynasties on the throne. Some historians speculate that this period of dynastic instability was due to underlying tribal rivalry. Remember that the ‘ten lost tribes’ didn’t enjoy any particular unity; they were mismatched and often at odds. Tribal grudges and jealousies could boil over into murder and war. The House of Jeroboam hailed from the Tribe of Ephraim whereas the House of Baasha came from the Tribe of Issachar. The Israeli ‘game of thrones’ would end with King Omri securing the throne in 880 BC (though he took the throne in 885, Israel was divided between him and a rival claimant, Tibni, until 880). Omri was connected to the city of Jezreel, and according to the Book of Joshua, Jezreel belonged to the Tribe of Issachar. When Elah was assassinated by Zimri, Omri led a countercoup as kinsman to Elah (who also belonged to the Tribe of Issachar).

Elah was lazy and indulgent; when the army was besieging the Philistine town of Gibbethon (yet again), the king was in the house of one of his palace attendants participating in a drunken orgy. Proper kings, as commander-in-chiefs of the country’s armed forces, were expected to be at the frontlines unless duties called them elsewhere (drunken orgies, it should be noted, didn’t count as honorable duties). Perhaps Elah, remembering the fate of Nadab outside the walls of Gibbethon, caved in to godless superstition and kept as far away from bad luck as possible. Nevertheless, for a king to accept the hospitality of one of his subjects – event if that subject was Arza, his personal steward or attendant – was a massive breach of monarchial etiquette. It’s been suggested that Arza was working hand-in-glove with Zimri, commander of half of Elah’s royal chariots, and that the two of them conspired to have Elah assassinated. 

Zimri assassinates King Elah

Half of the royal chariots would’ve been kept in the capital at Tirzah, whereas the other half would’ve been scattered around Israeli towns or encamped outside Gibbethon. Zimri’s half seems to have been at Tirzah, for it was there that he killed the sitting king and scoured the earth of Baasha’s surviving family – even going so far as to kill the House of Baasha’s distant relatives and friends. Zimri’s purge of the House of Baasha was far more brutal than that which Baasha visited upon Jeroboam’s lineage. Zimri, proud victor of Israel’s second coup d’etat, held the throne – but he only held it for seven days. When news of the coup reached the Israelite army encamped around Gibbethon, the common soldiers rallied around their army commander Omri. Omri was likely the commander of the people’s army, ‘the national levy,’ that consisted of run-of-the-mill grunts who were called off their farms and away from their businesses and families to participate in seasonal campaigns. 

Omri, as kinsman of Elah, may have viewed his ensuing countercoup as an act of loyalty to the old monarch; in his estimation, Zimri may have been nothing short of a traitor. The national levy may have thrown in with Omri because they had a low view of Zimri: when Zimri was stationed at Tirzah with half the royal chariots, Omri had been suffering the torments of siege with his fellow soldiers. It’s also likely that there was rivalry between the socially-elite royal charioteers and the muddied and bloodied lower-class infantry; the grunts in the army may have chafed at the idea of a socially elite charioteer lording over them, but the thought of having a beloved commander – who had been faithful to them and who had suffered alongside them against the Philistines – may have been palatable. Zimri certainly didn’t boost his popularity with his balls-to-the-wall extermination of Baasha’s family and colleagues; no doubt a number of Zimri’s victims had friends and compatriots in the armed forces. Whatever the reasons, the national levy put their weight behind Omri, and Omri lifted the siege of Gibbethon – much to Philistine delight, we can imagine – and marched towards Tirzah.

He led his army back up through the mountain passes to the capital, and in a show of force he deployed his troops around the capital. He assumedly ordered Zimri to surrender, and Zimri, seeing how Omri’s loyal soldiers had formed a tight and inescapable cordon around the city, knew escape was but a dream. Fearful of capture and the inevitable tortures he’d endure as a traitor, the usurper fled into the royal palace’s citadel and set it on fire, entombing himself inside. The ancient Tirzah palace shows archaeological evidence of destruction and abandonment at this time, and a fortified citadel has been found at the northwest corner that may have been the one Zimri set afire. Even though Zimri died by his own hand, the narrative depicts his death as the result of divine retribution ‘because of the sins which he had committed.’ He walked ‘in the way of Jeroboam,’ condoning the calf worship in the north. Given Zimri’s short, seven-day reign, it’s likely that prior to his coup d’etat he was a zealous devotee of the Golden Calves. His assassination of King Elah and his purge of the royal family was just the tip of the iceberg when it came to his revolting sins. The biblical narratives attached a special abhorrence to Zimri’s actions, perhaps because his usurpation wasn’t done openly but stealthily after his victim had been reduced to a drunken stupor and was unable to defend himself, and in Jewish literature the name ‘Zimri’ became a term of repulsion. 

With Zimri out of the way, Omri took the throne of Israel – but he wasn’t an uncontested king. For the first five years of his reign (from 885-880), the Kingdom of Israel was torn between two kings: Omri and Tibni. Very little is known about Tibni (indeed, his name may be a nickname, meaning ‘man of straw’), but the Septuagint tells us that Tibni received assistance from his brother Joram and that both were killed in battle against Omri. Some scholars speculate Zimri and Tibni were members of the Tribe of Ephraim and that Tibni’s bid for the throne was tribally motivated: he wished to avenge the death of his kinsman and return the throne to Ephraimite hands. Others have suggested that Tibni represented a sect of the Israelite army that didn’t throw in with Omri, and thus the civil war was between a divided army and their respective leaders. Still others believe that Tibni led more of a ‘citizen army’ unhappy with the idea of a martial leader turning Israel into a military state. Regardless of his motivations, Tibni failed and Omri was able to reign over a secured Israel for the next six years of his reign. His dynasty, that of the Omrides, would be known as one of the strongest (if not the strongest) dynasties in Israel’s history.

for five years Israel was plunged into civil war between Omri and Tibni

With Tibni dead and Israel under Omri's control, the winner of the ‘game of thrones’ could bring much-needed stability to the internally-ravaged kingdom. This stability came just in the nick of time, as foreign neighbors were growing fast in power: to the north, Aram, centered in Damascus, was led by the aggressive and successful Ben-hadad, who by 850 BC would stretch Aramean power as far north as Syria; and to the east, Assyria was the Rising Star. The Assyrians had been fighting with Mittanians and Hurrians and then with Arameans for control of the upper Euphrates region; a new ruler, Ashurnasirpal II (r. 883-859 BC) was known for his barbaric cruelty; militant and aggressive, he marched across the Euphrates and occupied land as far west as Byblos, Sidon, and Tyre on the Mediterranean coast. Omri wouldn’t have to deal with the Assyrians, but Ashurnasirpal II’s successor, Shalmaneser III, would be a thorn in Israel’s side. The House of Omri – called the Omride Dynasty by scholars – would span a number of rulers (Omri’s son Ahab, Ahab’s sons Ahaziah and Jehoram, and the foreign Queen Athaliah of Judah), and they would rule for three generations over Israel for forty years (and would even rule Judah for a minute through Queen Athaliah). 

archaeological ruins from the city of Samaria

Omri was a shrewd and competent king who reigned for twelve years. After emerging victorious from the civil war, he purchased the Hill of Samaria and made it, rather than Tirzah, the capital of Israel. The purchase price was 150 pounds of silver, the economic equivalent to about 15-20 million dollars today. Samaria lie seven miles northwest of Shechem; the oblong hill rose three to four hundred feet above a fruitful plain surrounded by rich farmland; and it was ringed by mountains, making foreign attacks difficult. It gave easy access to the Jezreel Valley to the north, Shechem to the southeast, and the coast to the west; it controlled the whole surrounding area of Palestine, including the main caravan roads to the north, south, and west. The site was named after its former owner, Shemer, and it would be the last Israelite capital until the northern kingdom collapsed under Assyrian swords in 722 BC. Because Omri bought the hill, it became the private property of the royal family, just as Jerusalem belonged to David and his descendants. Archaeological excavations on the site confirm the biblical statement regarding Omri’s founding of the city: the remains of three palaces have been discovered, the earliest of which dates to the time of Omri-Ahab. Samaria shows no sign of occupation earlier than 900 BC. Archaeologists have discovered strong and intricate fortifications; store houses and administrative installations; and a sumptuous palace quarter – all testaments to the might and prosperity of the House of Omri. Excavations have unearthed what is believed to be Omri’s palace on the acropolis, as well as parts of the wall separating the acropolis from the lower the city. The wall was five feet thick and built using the finest masonry of the day (ashlar stones set in a trench using headers and stretchers); Omri’s son Ahab improved the fortifications by adding a thirty-foot-thick casemate wall.

Though the biblical text doesn’t tell us much about Omri’s reign, we know that he was a competent and powerful king who earned renown throughout the Near East, so much so that later Assyrian rulers would refer to Israel as Bit-Humria, ‘The House of Omri.’ The title ‘Israel’ was used less and less as history progressed, and beginning in the reign of Joash, Israel would become known as ‘Samaria’ after her capital. Omri directed his affairs northward against Aram and eastward against Moab rather than tangling with then-king Asa of Judah (either he or, more likely, his son would turn to a ‘Policy of Peace’ with Judah in the face of rising pagan nations). The Moabite Stone – a four-foot-high inscription found at the site of Dibon, just north of the Arnon River, in 1868 – commemorates the building of a sanctuary and mentions Omri by name and refers to his son or grandson. The Moabite Stone makes reference to the Moabite national deity Chemosh who had used Israel for punishment of his land but who had now brought victory; the Stone references Moab’s successful revolt against Israelite control, likely during the reign of Ahaziah. The Stone, written under the authority of King Mesha of Moab, states that Omri, King of Israel, had conquered Moab in the days of Mesha’s grandfather; Mesha brags that with the favor of his god Chemosh, he was able to throw off the tribute Omri imposed. The Stone tells us that Omri was successful in bringing Moab to heel, and this leads us to assume that he had success with Aram to the north, as well.

Omri wouldn’t risk a campaign against Moab without securing his northern border. Some historians believe he sought an uneasy peace with Aram, and Ben-hadad, feeling the pressure of the Assyrians next door, would’ve needed friends in the region – even, perhaps, friendship with his longtime nemesis Israel. If friendship was sealed, it was bound to fall apart, and conflict with Aram became a common thread in Israelite history. There are good reasons for this. Aram was on a meteoric rise, and Israel was in her way. A strong Israel, occupying such cities as Dan, Ijon, Abel Beth Maacah, and Hazor, in effect controlled Damascus’ east-west caravan route to the Mediterranean coast. A strong Israel meant that she, rather than Aram, controlled the lucrative north-south incense route along the King’s Highway in the Transjordan. If Israel could control this route up to Ramoth-gilead, then spice and incense caravans could pass westward through Israelite territory to Mediterranean ports such as Acco, Tyre, and Sidon. From there, luxury goods could be loaded onto the ships of Phoenicia (Israel’s new ally thanks to Omri; see below) and be transported anywhere in the Mediterranean world. Thus, caravan transit revenues would benefit Israel rather than Damascus. It’s no surprise, then, that at least thirteen battles were fought between Israel and the Arameans, many of them occurring at or near the strategic fortress city of Ramoth-gilead.

a Phoenician sailing ship outside one of Phoenicia's
commercial port cities

Omri forged an alliance with the seagoing and commercially-minded Phoenicians on the Mediterranean coast. Omri took a play from David’s playbook and reinstated friendly relations with Tyre, arranging a political marriage between his son Ahab and a Phoenician princess who would be known in Israel as Jezebel. This was likely part of a treaty with Jezebel’s father King Ethbaal; Ethbaal, per Tyrian society, would’ve been a high priest of Baal. The treaty was likely a trade deal in which Israel gained access to cedar from Lebanon and fine merchandise from Phoenicia’s maritime trade while Phoenicia gained access to Israel’s grain and olive oil. They may have even linked hands to stand firm against the rising Arameans to the north (giving Omri room to move against Moab to the east). Though this political alliance was shrewd, it would have grave repercussions for Israel: Ahab would be a pushover, and his wife Jezebel – who would become Queen Jezebel at Ahab’s ascension and Queen Mother during the reign of his sons – orchestrated state-sanctioned Baal worship in the northern kingdom. The Tyro-Israelite alliance testifies to Omri’s power and prestige: the political and economic survival of the seafaring Phoenicians depended on securing their food-producing hinterland and the trade routes leading to the coastal dominions, and they achieved this by entering into pacts with the most suitable (and usually the strongest) of their neighbors. That King Ethbaal was interested in an alliance with Omri indicates that the newly-consolidated Israel was viewed favorably by her neighbors.